By MICHAEL OWHOKO For how long shall the rest of the country look on while Fulani ethnic militia trouble the peace of Nigeria? Why are Fulani terror groups spreading fear, causing pain and inflicting psychological trauma on Nigerians through deliberate, calculated and organised acts of kidnapping, torture, rape and killing? What exactly do they want, and for how long will Nigeria endure this malevolence? Nigeria’s current despicable image as the fifth-most-violent country in the world is largely due to this jihadist voyage. Of over 250 ethnic groups in Nigeria, why is the Fulani the only tribe that has chosen this nefarious and cold-hearted path of violating the rights of fellow citizens with impunity? If all other ethnic groups resolved to embark on similar acts of violence, would the country be safe and conducive for them to live in? Or do they think they have exclusive capacity for violence? Who will call them and their sponsors to order? Painfully, all other ethnic groups had been in existence in Nigeria before the advent of the Fulani in 1800. Ironically, these lawless and violent extremists constitute a handful of the larger Fulani population who transact and go about their businesses peacefully without links to criminal and armed banditry gangs across the country. The actions and demeanour of this sadistic minority are already rubbing off on the image and reputation of the entire Fulani ethnic nationality, which is being perceived as risky to live with, particularly by victims and Nigerians whose peace and safety have been breached. In the African tradition, when a group of miscreants deviate from accepted norms, society looks up to leaders and prominent members of such an ethnic group to use their authority to prevail on them. In Nigeria, there are influential Fulani leaders who can call these Fulani criminals to order. We have the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar III, the Emir of Kano, Muhammadu Sanusi II, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, Engr. Rabiu Kwankwaso, Alhaji Abdulsamad Rabiu, NSA Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, Mallam El-Rufai, Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, Alhaji Abdullahi Gaduje, Alhaji Dikko Umar Radda, Alhaji Bala Mohammed, Alhaji Abdullahi Sule, Alhaji Nasir Idris, and so on. They can exert their influence on them to stop the carnage. The Emir of Kano had demonstrated this possibility previously. As the spiritual leader (khalifa) of the Tijanniyah Sufi order in Nigeria and also leader of Tabital Pulaaku International, a cultural organisation of the Fulani, Sanusi is revered among the Fulanis. He had travelled to Ghana in the past to intercede when Ghana threatened to expel Fulani over alleged criminal activities which had fuelled public anger and tension in the country. The Nigerian Fulani is part of Tabital Pulaaku International. Therefore, Sanusi, in his capacity as leader of this cultural organisation, can call these Fulani Islamic extremists to order. Besides, prominent Kaduna-based Islamic scholar, Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who had interfaced, negotiated and brokered peace with Fulani terror groups in the past, can also deploy his contacts and influence to rein in their activities. Gumi is notable and commands their respect. This is important because of the growing adverse public emotions against Fulani militia, which is slowly but steadily impacting negatively on the Fulani people. Furthermore, the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) and Northern Elders’ Forum (NEF) can also mediate by emulating Afenifere and the Pan-Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF). Afenifere intervened when the Oodua People’s Congress (OPC) was going to extremities, just as PANDEF doused tension when the Niger Delta Avengers (NDA) exceeded their course, though their missions differed fundamentally from the Fulani jihadists. While the philosophy of the Fulani ethnic militia is based on forceful territorial acquisition driven by jihadism and violent conflict, the struggle of OPC and NDA was based on protection of Yoruba identity and resource control, in that order. The silence of Fulani leadership is unhelpful and is widening public suspicion. Their intervention will not only go a long way to control the damaged reputation of the Fulani ethnic nationality; it will curtail growing tendencies to label Fulani as untrustworthy people with a behavioural red flag. This perception is gradually gaining ground, with the danger of isolation by other ethnic nationalities in the face of continued threat to peace and safety. This emerging reality played out recently when a video of a Fulani man went viral. In the video, the man, who is of Fulani heritage, expressed frustration when he was refused by other passengers from boarding the same commercial bus with them from Lagos to Calabar. The ground of refusal was his ethnic identity as Fulani, whom they considered unsafe to travel with. As a result, his transport fare was refunded and he was forced by the transport company to disembark. In light of this experience, I ventur
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