Events in Osun State ahead of tomorrow’s election have put critical state institutions in a tough spot; getting out of it demands that they deliver on the promises of democracy. Vincent Obia writes Since August 5, when Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) announced the freezing of Osun State’s federal statutory allocation account, there has been a chorus of reaction, some condemning and others commending the action. But the bottom-line appears to be that the adventure does not serve the political interests of President Bola Tinubu’s All Progressives Congress (APC), both in the state, where it is in the opposition, and at the federal level, where it is the governing party. Tinubu had quickly realised the self-sabotage and put an end to the anti-graft agency’s misadventure. The president said he felt “deeply embarrassed” by EFCC’s court order mandating the freezing of Osun State Government’s accounts. He, then, directed the agency, in a release on August 6, “to immediately proceed to the court to vacate the order and discontinue whatever action it has instituted against the Osun State government in this regard.” But what looks more embarrassing is the fact exposed by the presidential directive: the independence of EFCC – and, indeed, other state institutions – is essentially at the discretion of the president. Ahead of the Osun election, the security institutions also appear to fit that description. They seem to be acting with caution and avoiding actions that could offend the presidency and the ruling party at the national level. Amid the tense lead-up to the Osun State election, marked by violence, deaths, and intimidation, the balance of actions by the security agencies appears to be tipped in disfavour of the opposition. There are reports of arrest of several Accord Party members, including Osun State government officials, by the security agencies, and searches conducted at the residences of officials of the Adeleke government. While some of the officials have been released, many remain in detention. But when the video of Senator Francis Fadahunsi, in a fit of murderous fury, making a loud public incitement to kill rival party members, went viral, the police merely invited him for questioning. The Osun East Senatorial District senator and APC member was released by the state police command after about two hours of questioning. Fadahunsi then launched into a semantic reinterpretation of his words in the video. State institutions face a severe test following the events in Osun State ahead of tomorrow’s election, the last off-cycle election before next year’s general election. Overcoming the challenge depends on their readiness to take deliberate steps to fulfil the true promises of democracy. That readiness remains doubtful at the moment. EFCC’s public affairs director, Wilson Uwujaren, while explaining the Osun saga stated, “We took that step to preserve the account of the Osun State government. We observed in the past one week that activities on that account look suspicious, and based on the mandate of the commission, we took that step of placing a restriction order on that account to preserve the account. “That restriction order does not mean all the accounts of Osun State have been frozen. It is just a targeted restriction on one account of Osun State Government.” Many think otherwise. Director, Abuja School of Social and Political Thought, Dr. Sam Amadi, sees EFCC’s action as a politically motivated strategy by APC to undermine Governor Ademola Adeleke’s electoral capacity ahead of the August 15 governorship election in the state. Adeleke, a member of Accord Party, is seeking a second term, against opposition from APC’s Bola Oyebamiji. Amadi stated, regarding Tinubu, “This was a test, and he couldn’t stand political pressure. It clearly was an APC strategy to close down the capacity of the Osun State governor.” He described the development as an “own goal” for those behind the move, calling the presidential directive to EFCC a face-saving measure. Trying to punish opposition state governments through financial sanctions, especially before elections, is an old joke in Nigerian politics. It has gained popularity in the Fourth Republic. EFCC, set up in 2002 during the presidency of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo to fight crimes that hurt the economy, has in recent times earned a bad reputation as a tool of financial chastisement in the hands of the ruling party against the opposition. Though EFCC under Obasanjo – led then by Nuhu Ribadu – never expressly froze state government accounts, the government utilised related sanctions against states viewed as opposed to the government at the centre. A well-known case was the withholding of statutory federal allocation
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